Saturday, December 7, 2019

Sejanus, his fall Essay Example For Students

Sejanus, his fall Essay A monologue from the play by Ben Jonson NOTE: This monologue is reprinted from Sejanus, His Fall (1603). SEJANUS: If this be not revenge, when I have done And made it perfect, let Egyptian slaves, Parthians, and barefoot Hebrews brand my face, And print my body full of injuries. Thou lost thyself, child Drusus, when thou thoughtst Thou couldst outskip my vengeance, or outstand The power I had to crush thee into air. Thy follies now shall taste what kind of man They have provoked, and this thy fathers house Crack in flame of my incensed rage, Whose fury shall admit no shame or mean. Adultery? It is the lightest ill I will commit. A race of wicked acts Shall flow out of my anger, and oerspread The worlds wide face, which no posterity Shall eer approve, nor yet keep silent; things That for their cunning, close, and cruel marks, Thy father would wish his, and shall, perhaps, Carry the empty name, but we the prize. On, then, my soul, and start not in thy course; Though heavn drop sulphur, and hell belch out fire, Laugh at the idle terrors. Tell proud Jove, Between his power and thine there is no odds. Twas only fear first in the world made gods.

Friday, November 29, 2019

Born Addicted To Alcohol Essays - Health, Medicine, RTT,

Born Addicted to Alcohol annon There are different characteristics that accompany FAS in the different stages of a child's life. At birth, infants with intrauterine exposure to alcohol frequently have low birth rate; pre-term delivery; a small head circumference; and the characteri stic facial features of the eyes, nose, and mouth (Phelps, 1995, p. 204). Some of the facial abnormalities that are common of children with FAS are: microcephaly, small eye openings, broad nasal bridge, flattened mid-faces, thin upper lip, skin folds at the corners of the eyes, indistinct groove on the upper lip, and an abnormal smallness of the lower jaw (Wekselman, Spiering, Hetteberg, Kenner, Flandermeyer, 1995; Phelps, 1995). These infants also display developmental delays, psychomotor retardatio n, and cognitive deficits. As a child with FAS progresses into preschool physical, cognitive and behavioral abnormalities are more noticeable. These children are not the average weight and height compared to the children at the same age level. Cognitive manifestations is another problem with children who have FAS. Studies have found that preschoolers with FAS generally score in the mentally handicapped to dull normal range of intelligence (Phelps, 1995, p. 205). Children with FAS usually h ave language delay problems during their preschool years. Research has also shown that these children exhibit poorly articulated language, delayed use of sentences or more complex grammatical units, and inadequate comprehension (Phelps, 1995). There are many behavioral characteristics that are common among children with FAS. The most common characteristic is hyperactivity (Phelps, 1995). Hyperactivity is found in 85% of FAS-affected children regardless of IQ (Wekeselman et al., 1995, p. 299 ). School failure, behavior management difficulties, and safety issues are some of the problems associated with hyperactivity and attention deficit disorder. Another behavioral abnormality of with children with FAS, is social problems. Specific diffic ulties included inability to respect personal boundaries, inappropriately affectionate, demanding of attention, bragging, stubborn, poor peer relations, and overly tactile in social interactions (Phelps, 1995, p. 206). Children are sometimes not diagnosed with FAS until they reach kindergarten and are in a real school setting. School-aged children with FAS still have most of the same physical and mental problems that were diagnosed when they were younger. The craniofa cial malformations is one of the only physical characteristic that diminishes during late childhood (Phelps, 1995). Several studies have evaluated specific areas of cognitive dysfunction in school-age children exposed prenatally to alcohol. Researchers have substantiated: (a) short term memory deficits in verbal and visual material; (b) inadequate processing of inf ormation, reflected b sparse integration of information and poor quality of responses; (c) inflexible approaches to problem solving; and (d) difficulties in mathematical computations (Phelps, 1995 p. 206). The behavioral manifestations of a child with FAS during the early years of life are still apparent in children who are in grade school. Hyperactivity is still the most common characteristic portrayed by these children. Some of the descriptions used to explain these school-aged children's behaviors include: distractible, impulsive, inattentive, uncooperative, poorly organized, and little persistence toward task completion (Phelps, 1995). As a child reaches puberty and develops into an adult, some of the physical, mental and behavioral characteristics change. These adolescents begin to gain weight, but still remain short and microphalic (Phelps, 1995). Cognitive abilities of children with FAS continue to be low through adolescence and adulthood. Low Academic performance scores of adolescents and adults are persistent throughout their lives. Many cognitive tests have been done on adolescent/adults wi th FAS, and each of them have found deficiencies in mathematics and reading comprehension (Shelton Cook, 1993). The behavioral manifestations of adolescents and adults with FAS continue to concentrate around the problem of hyperactivity. Inattentiveness, distractibility, restlessness , and agitation are the main behaviors stem from hyperactivity. Vineland Adap tive Behavior Scales results suggest that communication and socialization skills average around the seven year old range(Phelps, 1995, p. 207). The prevalence of children with FAS is on the rise. More than ever, children are being diagnosed with FAS. Better techniques and knowledge by physicians are accountable for the increase. Physicians are diagnosing more babies today with FAS, because th ey have more knowledge and resources to evaluate the children at risk. FAS has no racial barriers and has been reported by variable ages from neonatal to young adult (Becker, Warr-Leeper, Leeper, 1990). Estimates in the United States of people with FA S vary from 2 live births per 1,000 to 1 per 750 (Shelton Cook, 1993). In a medical review of 5602 women, six instances of FAS were identified among 38 children of alcohol abusing women. Although 22 of the 38 were traced at follow-up, the outcome fo r the

Monday, November 25, 2019

Essay Sample About Matthias Schleiden Write More About a Scientist

Essay Sample About Matthias Schleiden Write More About a Scientist Free example essay on Matthias Scheilden: Matthias Scheilden was born on April 5, 1804. He was born in Hamburg, Germany. He died on June 23, 1881. He made a significant impact in science. He came up with a cell theory, which had a large effect of scientific attention to living processes as they happened on the cellular level. His work initiated the field of embryology. Scheilden first studied law in Heidelberg. In 1826 he received a doctorate and became an attorney in Hamburg, his hometown. He was not as successful in this as he hoped, and he did not enjoy this field of work. In 1832 he changed his mind about law and decided to study medicine in Goettingen. One of his teachers there got him interesting in botany. He went to Berlin in 1835 and spent time with his uncle, J. Horkel, and another man, Richard Brown. They were both scientists who studied mainly plant anatomy, and based most of their work on questions about the cell formation. Many scientists during this time were interested in the cell formation also. He investigated plants on a microscopic scale. This was very different from most other scientists who were only interested in naming and classifying plants. In 1837 he stated that plant growth came through the production of new cells from the nuclei of old cells, and that all plant tissues were composed of cells or derivatives of cells. He published this theory in 1938, in his paper ‘Contributions to Phytogenesis’. This theory was not made public until a year later when his friend and colleague Theodore Schwann published his ‘Microscopic Researches into Accordance in the structure and Growth of Animals and Plants’. He was the first scientist to recognize the importance of the cell nucleus and to correctly state that nuclei played a part in cell formation. Scheilden thought the cell was the center of the vital force. He believed each cell had an individual existence and the life of an organism came from the way in which the cells work together. He was proved wrong in later discoveries about the mechanics of the process though. In 1839 Scheilden received his second doctorate for his botanist work. He taught at the University of Jena from 1839 to 1862, and at Dorpat from 1863 to 1864. He worked for Johannes Muller and was influenced by two other scientists, Schelling and Oken. He also proved that a nucleated cell is the only original constituent of the plant embryo, and that the development of all vegetable tissues must be referred to such cells. Matthias Scheilden was a very intelligent and well-known man who will always be a big part of science history.

Friday, November 22, 2019

Human hibernation for space travel Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Human hibernation for space travel - Essay Example Hibernation or winter sleep is the condition normally found in animals. Under this condition, there is a reduced heart rate with significant drop in the body temperature and metabolism. In case of mammals the body temperature reaches 2-4?C above the freezing point, while the organism consumes little oxygen as low as 2% of normal rates. Under such conditions an animal could stay without movement or food and does not require much energy (Long term space travel). The phenomenon could be exploited for humans when they travel interstellar distances. During this process activities like parks, plants, hospitals are negligible and individual is required to sleep with the onset of journey and then steady state is maintained with a slow supply of fresh air and low temperature constantly till the end of the journey. This is less energy consuming process as compared to daily routine activities (Long term space travel). In a study at North Carolina University geneticists have revealed the presenc e of genes capable of producing enzymes critical for hibernation. The presence of such genes is reported in humans. They are responsible for accountability of energy conservation process of body. Of these two genes, the first is capable of producing an enzyme that can breakdown their fat deposits to generate energy. On the other hand the second hibernation gene is concerned with conservation of glucose supply to the body. The conservation process takes care to supply required energy to central nervous system for the sustainability of life.

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

Drawing on one area of public policy, discuss the role and impact of Essay

Drawing on one area of public policy, discuss the role and impact of International Organisations in the policy process - Essay Example Notwithstanding the above mentioned, the present day mandate of the Bank is broader; alleviation of worldwide poverty in collaboration with its affiliate, the International Development association. The principal aim was to come up with worldwide economic rules which would avert a recap of the Great Depression and its aftereffects (World Bank, 2002, p.1). The USA was on the forefront in these negotiations as it was already evolving from the war with a clear cut technological, military and economic superiority over all other Western partners. The United Kingdom did constitute a measurable portion of the party; not because of its position in the alliance as at that time, but also by the virtue of its representation at Bretton Woods by the globally legendary economists. John Maynard Keynes. As per the Bretton Woods’ planned new system, the IMF was placed at the core of a new-fashioned monetary system, being in control of a system of fixed but at the same time adjustable exchange rate and lending on an austerely short-term basis to countries facing short-term balance of payments crises. Investment in the post-war economy would be smoothed by the World Bank (the International bank for Reconstruction and Development), which would solicit capital in money markets and advance it at expedient rates to war-torn and developing countries. The very original plan of the Bretton Woods was for the first time considered by the Cold War (World Bank, 2002, p.1). The Marshall Plan publicised in 1947 availed the United States of America with a more instantaneous bilateral way of assuring investment, stabilisation and reconstruction in Western Europe. Nonetheless, by the 1950s, both the World Bank and IMF were unpretentiously taking on a key position in the international economy. While the IMF was concerned with the above-mentioned exchange rate system management role, the World Bank was involved in

Monday, November 18, 2019

Management research SPSS data analysis Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Management research SPSS data analysis - Essay Example The results show that the satisfaction mean is higher than the commitment mean as shown in table 1. This means that on average employees of SCP are more satisfied than committed. Results on reliability of items in each scale show that items in both satisfaction and commitment are highly reliable (Alpha=0.953 & 0.965) respectively. Table 1: Summary statistics for satisfaction and commitment Mean Standard deviation Cronbach's Alpha N of Items Satisfaction 43.276 13.231 0.953 10 Commitment 37.287 13.239 0.965 10 Examining the distribution of initial output Table 2, presents summary results of initial output and it can be noted that the average initial output is 2207.632 units per month with a very high variability. Figure 1 show the distribution of initial output and it looks approximately normal with one possible extreme value. A formal test for normality presented in table 3 show that the distribution of initial output is significantly normal (p-value=0.222). Table 2: Summary statisti cs of initial output Initial output Value Mean 2207.632 Median 2195 Mode 1925.00(a) Std. Deviation 280.7786 Skewness 0.253 Std. Error of Skewness 0.247 Kurtosis -0.09 Std. Error of Kurtosis 0.49 a Multiple modes exist, the smallest value is shown Figure 1: Distribution of initial output Table 3: Test for normality of initial output Tests of Normality                Kolmogorov-Smirnov(a) Shapiro-Wilk    Statistic df Sig. Statistic df Sig. Initial output 0.052 95 .200 0.991 95 0.743 Possibility of outlying observation was checked and table 4 presents the five extreme z scores for initial output. None of the Z score is larger than 3.29 in absolute values so we can say that there are no outlying initial output values. However there is a Z score of 3.07 which might be of no harm to check the original dataset to confirm the true value (Field, 2009, p. 74). Table 4: Cases of extreme z scores for initial output Extreme Values          Case Number Value Z-score(initial outp ut) Highest 1 58 3.07135 2 74 1.89604 3 98 1.86043 4 7 1.75358 5 61 1.68235 Lowest 1 3 -2.1819 2 85 -1.91479 3 55 -1.91479 4 37 -1.59425       5 89 -1.52302 A one-sample t-test was conducted to examine if â€Å"initial output† significantly differs from the national average of 2300 units per month. The result was very significant (p-value=0.002) implying that the average initial output at SCP is significantly lower than the national average of 2300. Table 5: One sample T test One-Sample Test                Test Value = 2300 t df Sig. (2-tailed) Mean Difference 95% Confidence Interval of the Difference Lower Upper Initial output -3.206 94 0.002 -92.3684 -149.566 -35.1709 Examining the distribution of final output The average final output was 2308.177 which is higher than the average for initial outcome presented in table 1. There is also high variability around this estimate. The distribution of final output as presented in figure 2 seems normal with two possible outlying observations. Z scores were used to assess outlying observations and the results show that there is one outlier (Z score=3.36675). Since I was unable to check if this outlier was as a result of data entry, I assumed it was not and it was replaced by the next highest score plus one. Table 6: Summary statistics for final output Final output Value Mean 2308.177 Median 2320 Mode 2120 Std.

Saturday, November 16, 2019

Relationship between Poverty and Educational Outcomes

Relationship between Poverty and Educational Outcomes Children in Poverty:  Addressing Inequalities in Educational Outcomes Jodie Somerville The American Psychological Association (2007) asserts that socioeconomic factors and social class are fundamental determinants of human functioning across the lifespan including development. Levels of parental education, occupation and income are factors used to quantify socio-economic status and classify social class (Duchesne, McMaugh, Bochner Krause, 2013). Socioeconomic status (SES) is a recognition of the economic, environmental and education factors in the lives of parents, which affect educational outcomes of children. Often the relationship between SES and education focuses on those individuals living in poverty, the lowest tranche of economic privilege. Boston (2013) asserts that there are disparities evident in educational achievement between children from advantaged backgrounds and those experiencing deprivation. Students with higher family SES have higher educational achievement than students with lower family SES with a wide gap evidenced between the two (Thrupp, as cit ed in Boston, 2013). Those disparities and the inherent causes thereof will be outlined herein. Changes that may alleviate the effect of poverty on educational outcomes in New Zealand will also be highlighted. In particular, the need for a multi-faceted approach towards addressing inequalities in educational outcomes arising from poverty and SES. In 2012, 285,000 children in this country aged 0–17 years lived in poverty equating 27% of all New Zealand children (Craig, Reddington, Wicken, Oben Simpson, 2013). It is important to note that poverty rates for MÄ ori and Pasifika children are around double those for PÄ kehÄ /European children with evidence suggesting that MÄ ori and Pasifika children are almost twice as likely to be living in severe poverty and face a higher risk of remaining in poverty for extended periods of time (Boston, 2013). Major influences on the overall level of child poverty are changes in demographics, family structure, unemployment rates, benefit and retraining levels, childcare services and housing costs, all of which are influenced in broad terms by social policy and legislation to some degree (Davies, Crothers, Hanna, 2010). These factors have led to a rise in the cost of living particularly housing affordability, food and medical care (Boston, 2013). The changes have also seen low wages and relatively high taxes for low income families with family assistance programmes not sufficient to meet shortfalls for those in poverty (Every Child Counts, 2010). These aforementioned factors that give rise to poverty and low SES have subsequent health, cognitive and socio emotional outcomes which affect child development (Duchesene et al., 2013). The development of the child then in turn affects his or her educational achievement. The relationship between SES and educational attainment of children is evidenced in a New Zealand study by Fergusson and Woodward (2000). That study noted that children from higher SES backgrounds achieved university entrance rates five times higher (57%) than those of children from families of a lower SES (11%). Further, there is a statistically significant relationship between family income during the early years of a childs life and subsequent school completion rates and adults income with children from poorer families having worse outcomes (Gibb, Fergusson, Horwood, 2012). Boston (2013) cautions that although there is evidence of a strong correlation between the socio economic status of children and their education achievement, socio economic status in itself is not the only cause of poor educational outcomes. He asserts there other interlinking factors associated with SES, particularly factors prevalent in situations of poverty, that contribute to the educational attainment gap . The first aspect affecting educational achievement is family SES and income. Duchesne et al. (2013) state that children of low SES backgrounds often have poor nutrition, are exposed to environmental hazards and have inadequate access to healthcare. Boston (2013) highlights that limited finances place constraints on choices and opportunities for those living in poverty. This includes being able to afford nutritious food, access to primary healthcare and quality early childhood education, accommodation choices and providing for a stimulating home environment. The effects of poverty on educational outcomes are wide reaching. Poor nutrition can effect physical and mental growth and development and cognitive function. It can also result in lethargy and resultant decreased motivation to learn. Boston (2013) states that children from low SES backgrounds are likely to eat fewer healthy foods and have higher cholesterol intake than their peers in elevated socioeconomic circumstances. They are also much more likely to start the school day hungry and have little or no lunch. This reduces the child’s ability to concentrate and learn and generates negative behaviours. In New Zealand lack of access to health care for children living in poverty is linked to the high rates of otitis media, an infection of the middle ear particularly prevalent in MÄ ori children, which leads to hearing loss (Duchesne et al., 2013). Boston (2013) also notes that during their early school years economically disadvantaged children typically have less access to a variety of important learning resources such as books, newspapers and the internet. The second link between poverty and educational achievement are parenting factors. Bradley Corwyn (as cited in Duchesne et al., 2013) highlight a strong association between poverty, low levels of parental education and lower levels of school achievement for children. Parental education has an effect on interactions at home and the ways in which parents interact with their children (Duchesne et al., 2013). Children whose parents, especially mothers, have higher levels of education were more likely to be supported in ways that encouraged engagement in education including better resources. Overall experience in homes with lower levels of parental education was likely to be less with lower parental input (Duchesne et al., 2013). This is evidenced in activity levels and language use with parents in poorest families using only one third of the spoken language of other families when conversing with their children (Hart Risley as cited in Duchesne et al., 2013). Language is important to le arning and displaying knowledge at school. Parents own experience of education affects interactions with children including their ability to prepare children for school, their expectations and attitudes towards education. Parents from lower SES groups may value education but have little expectation for their children to excel. They may have little or no relationship or trust towards the school or teachers. This low level of expectation is linked with a negative orientation towards school, a sense of indifference and alienation from education and influences the attendance and participation patterns of children (Boston, 2013) making further schooling beyond what is compulsory less likely (Duchesne et al., 2013). Parents with low educational achievement were also less likely to provide cognitively stimulating enrichment such as trips to libraries or specialist classes such as music lessons for their children (Duchesne et al., 2013). The third link between poverty and educational achievement is stress. Families living in poverty encounter employment uncertainty, poor financial stability, transience and often live in substandard overcrowded accommodation in neighbourhoods where violence is prevalent (Duchesne et al., 2013). These conditions of hardship are contributors to parental stress, relationship difficulties and mental health issues (Boston, 2013). Both Duchesne et al. (2013) and Boston (2013) assert a correlation between stress and maladaptive parenting behaviours (including a higher incidence of neglect and maltreatment) and lower levels of warmth and responsiveness in familial relationships. This situation undermines a child’s sense of security and self-esteem, identified as factors that may provide some resilience for children at risk from poverty (Duchesne et al., 2013). Stress also contributes to learnt helplessness and feelings of powerlessness. Children living in stressful environments, partic ularly substandard accommodation and more likely to suffer illness that impacts on learning. The transient nature of low socio economic households also has damaging educational outcomes. A fourth connection can be made between school factors and educational achievement. In the same way that a childs school outcomes are not purely as a result of their individual characteristics but subject to wider family and environmental influences, there are influential factors within schools themselves and their interactions with families that affect educational achievement for low SES children (Duchesne et al., 2013). McLloyd, 1998 (as cited in Duchesne et al., 2013) suggests that teachers often perceive students ability and behaviour more negatively for those from lower SES circumstances. Children from poverty were less likely to receive positive attention and reinforcement for academic achievement possibly attributable to lower teacher expectation for those students. Duchesne et al. (2013) highlights that there are a number of ways in which the relationship between schools and their families and communities contribute to educational disadvantage. Firstly, children whose home ex periences fit the style of the school experience better educational outcomes than those who dont. Secondly, a division may exist and be maintained between home and school where the values of the school and home differ with home values of lower SES families, particularly ethnic minorities, perceived as less valuable. In line with that, differing communication styles of home and school also serve to create a barrier for lower SES children with misunderstandings and conflict between the two environments. Lastly the perceptions of and about minority groups, who are often over represented in lower SES families, may be stereotypically based in wider societal beliefs. This can be exacerbated by practices within schools that reject or marginalise those students. Overall, these school factors can lead to withdrawal and alienation from the education system and poor outcomes for disadvantaged children. It is clear that children from lower SES backgrounds experience poor educational outcomes. The challenge of policy makers and educators is to work together collaboratively to mitigate the effects of child poverty on the education of our most vulnerable citizens. A 2014 report by the Child Poverty Action Group entitled Our Children, Our Choice sets out a number of measures which it asserts will alleviate some of the effects of poverty on childrens education. Its first recommendation is to develop culturally appropriate measures of the cognitive, affective, behavioural and developmental needs of new entrants. This data could then be used to make funding allocations to ensure children in poverty receive meaningful, enjoyable and empowering experiences to address their disadvantage, not a narrow focus on standards. In line with that, the reports second recommendation was to abandon national standards as they have been found ineffective, disadvantaging poor children’s learning and teaching in low decile schools. The third recommendation is the provision a 100% government subsidy to the lowest decile secondary schools for NCEA and scholarship examination fees. It also recommends providing NCEA subject pathway guidance to tertiary study on entry to secondary school for all students. In particular, academic counselling and target setting to improve outcomes for Pasifika students and extension of kura kaupapa MÄ ori and wharekura to more communities. The Child Poverty Action Group report from 2014 also highlighted some social measures to mitigate some of the environmental disadvantage experienced by children from low SES homes. Its first recommendation in that regard was to provide free breakfast and lunch for children in decile 1-4 schools. It extrapolated on that with an assertion that low decile schools have multi-agency services on site which would include social workers, health workers, alternative education programmes and providers and teen parent units. The Child Poverty Action Group (2014) highlight the recommendations of the Expert Advisory Group on Solutions to Child Poverty which suggest solutions also include expansion of the positive behaviour plans and extension of school-local community collaboration initiatives. The report also recommended a reduction in class sizes in lower decile primary schools and providing salary incentives to encourage quality teachers into schools in areas of low SES. Its final recommendati on was to retain the decile funding system principles currently in place, which are based on need and equality of outcome. In conclusion, there is substantial evidence of the correlation between socio economic deprivation and low levels of educational achievement. Boston (2013) asserts that child poverty, especially when experienced in early childhood and/or when persistent and severe, has damaging effects which are twofold firstly to the individual child but secondly the wider society. Child poverty contributes to the large educational achievement gaps between children with different SES backgrounds. The Child Poverty Action Groups measures target investment of resources and interventions towards those of highest need. Boston (2013) notes that the goal of such interventions is not merely to assist the children and families currently experiencing situations of disadvantage, but also to break the intergenerational cycle of poverty and its effect on educational achievement. By ensuring that more of the children from current low-income families achieve educational success, this will translate to improved o utcomes for the next generation. Children whose material circumstances, quality of life and experiences are improved through a multifaceted approach aimed at reducing child poverty will enjoy greater choices, opportunities and success and have more favourable educational outcomes. REFERENCES: American Psychological Association Task Force on Socioeconomic Status. (2007). Report of the APA Task Force on Socioeconomic Status. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Retrieved from Boston, J. (2013, May). Improving educational performance: why tackling child poverty must be part of the solution. Symposium conducted at the Poverty Impacts on Learning Conference, Victoria University, Wellington, New Zealand. Retrieved from and child poverty V4.pdf Child Poverty Action Group (2014). Our children, our choice: Priorities for policy. Retrieved from Our Children Our Choice Part 3.pdf Craig, E., Reddington, A., Wicken, A., Oben, G., Simpson, J. (2013). Child Poverty Monitor 2013 Technical Report (Updated 2014). Dunedin. New Zealand: Child Youth Epidemiology Service, University of Otago. Retrieved from Child Poverty Monitor Technical Report MASTER.pdf Davies, E., Crothers, C., Hanna, K. (2010). Preventing child poverty: barriers and solutions. New Zealand Journal of Psychology. 39 (2) 20-31. Duchesne, S., McMaugh, A., Bochner, S., Krause, K.-L. D. (2013).Educational psychology : for learning and teaching(4th ed.). South Melbourne, Vic.: Cengage Learning Every Child Counts (2010). Eradicating child poverty in New Zealand. Retrieved from Fergusson, D. M., and Woodward, L.J. (2000). Family socioeconomic status at birth and rates of university participation. New Zealand Journal of Educational Studies, (1), 25. Gibb, S. J., Fergusson, D. M., Horwood, L. J. (2012). Childhood family income and life outcomes in adulthood: Findings from a 30-year longitudinal study in New Zealand. Social Science Medicine(12), 1979. doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2012.02.028